We should not bother summarizing the facts;
still we will. During the last seven months the Federal Reserve Bank of the United States has pushed the
Federal Funds rate (FFr) to negative real values; it is now offering American banks
to swap risky securities of uncertain value for safe Treasury securities of
certain value, while at the same time engineering the acquisition of one bank by another. The bi-partisan "federal stimulus" plan is currently underway: American
taxpayers are being mailed checks of varying amounts, the total value of
which is about 1% of GNP. The question we ask is: does the whole package of
government interventions make sense, given the nature of the crisis? Apparently, it does: most commentators are
applauding the choices, and the few people uttering criticisms are mostly
anti-market types used to blame free markets, competition, capitalism and
globalization for everything painful, from financial crises to diarrhea. Among
experts, the unanimous consensus is that these choices are the correct ones. We
dare to disagree. Today we illustrate the reasons for our disagreement; next time we discuss alternative policies.
There are three parts to the overall
policies adopted: the fiscal giveaway, the cut in interest rates and the asset
swap. Let's consider them in turn.
Fiscal giveaway. This is receiving scant
attention as most people discount its electoral nature. Too bad because, until
now, the fiscal stimulus is the most expensive arm of the three-pronged
government intervention strategy. Increasing the disposable income of about 90%
of American households of about 1.5% will make no difference on defaulting mortgages, but increasing government debt does signal that the strategy of getting out of financial troubles by piling up new debt is not yet over. Nobody - but Paul Krugman: GWB and PK are, for once, on the
same side - claims that the impending recession is due to a sudden drop
in aggregate demand. If anything, the crisis is due to a prolonged excess demand
for housing fueled by an extraordinary amount of cheap credit made available by the Fed, which pushed up housing prices past the level a sizable fraction of
American households could afford, given their current and expected nominal incomes. In other words, the current crisis is due to a "localized asset-inflation" generated by reckless central bank lending, and its magnification through "moral-hazard-plagued" financial innovations from the banking sector. Because the nominal prices of a number of real and financial assets are completely unrelated to their future payoffs - and because nominal income is too low to provide the resources needed to serve the debt those assets were purchased with - something must give. Either the nominal values of those assets drop - via asset deflation and bankrupcies - or nominal income grows extremely fast - via generalized inflation.
The bursting of the bubble that localized asset-inflation brought about is causing a sharp slowdown of real economic growth. This happens because the realization
that prices had gone passed the level "would be" buyers could
afford took place after the production
of the houses had already been completed or, at least, had started. The
resources so invested are therefore wasted: they produced goods people do not
want or cannot afford; hence the owners of those resources are receiving compensations that are much lower than they expected. From this the recession:
assets must be devalued and resources (factors of production) must move away
from the unwanted/unaffordable goods and toward goods that households and firms
both want and can afford. Even assuming that the increase in purchasing power
the fiscal giveaway is supposed to produce will not be washed away by an
increase in prices of the same proportion, it is certainly not by raising
aggregate demand for burgers, shoes, or airplane tickets of about 1% that such
reallocation of resources will become less painful. More important: the giveaway
will do nothing to reduce the impact of the financial crisis brought about by
the real estate crisis. This is due to the fact that a fraction of American
households cannot afford the houses they bought, and are defaulting on mortgage
payments; the banks holding the loans are therefore making losses. For a
household defaulting on a $200K-500K mortgage, a once in a lifetime $1,000 of
additional cash will make no difference. Bottom line: the fiscal giveaway cannot alleviate either the financial crisis nor the recession; it will only add a bit to the CPI.
Interest rate cuts. Since the Greenspan's years
the fashion has been to measure the result of such interventions by subsequent
movements in the stock market. Assurances to the contrary by local Feds' presidents not-withstanding, this has now become the way in which financial markets, and economic agents at large, interpret and evaluate Fed's actions. Because the current Chairman of the Board of the
Fed has actually written papers trying to measure how market indices react to
unexpected Fed's actions on rates, this common wisdom has been recently reinforced by actions such as the one on January 22, 2008; i.e.
that the Fed should move interest
rates to prevent the stock market from falling. There are absolutely no reasons
to believe this makes any economic sense, nor the mandate of the Federal Reserve
system is that of keeping stock market indices growing at some target rate. The
ECB, wisely in our view, is basically ignoring the stock markets in its policy
actions: price stability is its goal, not capital gains. In any case, if we had
to judge the success of the Fed's policy by this metric, the verdict would be
damning. During the last six months the Fed has cut rates six times, two of
which could be reasonably considered "surprises". Stock valuations are about 15%
lower than six months ago and they display no intentions of recovering in the
near future. The only effect these cuts seem to have had, so far, is to increase
volatility: relatively large "rallies" on the day of the announcement or the
next one, followed by even larger drops right after. The proposition that the
Fed is moving short term rates to affect stock prices - and that it actually has
the power to affect stock's real valuations more than ephemerally - rests on the idea
that movements of the short term rates can affect either the perception (in
which case: for how long?) or the reality of aggregate risk. This is a very long
shot, which goes well beyond the usual "output-inflation trade-off" kind of
arguments and for which there is practically no theoretically
consistent support, let alone favorable empirical evidence. How a sustained reduction in
aggregate risk may be engineered by a 300 basis points drop of the FFr, escapes
us. Unless, obviously, one is willing to believe the asset bubbles of 1997-2000 and of 2002-2006 - with the accompanying academic chatters [references piteously omitted] of "reduced volatility", "reduction of aggregate risk", "great moderation" and "higher assets evaluation" - were good things that the reduction of aggregate risk engineered by a lax credit policy brought us. Hence - even if the last ten years of US central banking may lead one to
reasonably suspect that this was one of the motivations behind his predecessor's
actions and that Mr. Bernanke is now forced to cope with the wrong expectations
Greenspan created - we dare to assume this was not the purpose of Bernanke's
recent choices.
A more realistic purpose may be that of
stopping the growth in mortgage interest rates caused by the post-2004 Fed's
policy. This is widely regarded as the pin that pricked the bubble the 2001-2004
policy of persistently low FFrs had previously created. As this is not the right
moment to argue over the details of what caused what (one day or another it should be, though)
let's leave this issue aside and consider how successful this policy may be. A
reasonable argument is the following: a raising FFr increases both short and
long term market rates. Because a sizable share of mortgages is financed with
adjustable rates that are being reset after a few years on the basis of short
term rates, this is causing the increase in default rates we are all the victims
of. How do we stop the bleeding that defaulting mortgages are causing?
Increasing borrowers real income by 10-15% is impossible, so let's try to lower
the amounts they must pay. If we lower the FFr enough, mortgage rates
(especially those on ARMs) should also go down, therefore alleviating the
mortgage crisis. Right? Possibly, but not necessarily. Resetting does not take
place continuously, but at fixed time intervals that, sometimes, are as long as
one or two years. Hence, at least for a year after the FFr cut, no interest rate
relief may possibly be forthcoming to borrowers: those that were defaulting
during summer of 2007, still will, and those for whom resetting was due during
the last six months are facing the same higher rates. Further, the market rates
on which ARMs reset are not necessarily responding one-to-one to movements in
the FFr (even when it comes to nominal short term rates the Fed is NOT
omnipotent) and in fact they are not. They have gone down, but not as much as
the FFr has. In other words, while lowering the FFr may appear to be a source of
relief for troubled borrowers, it is clearly not quantitatively very
significant. The Libor or the 1-year costant maturity Treasury rates have
declined, but the risk spread has increased of about as much on both of them,
thereby improving the situation only mildly and certainly not in the immediate
future. Finally, and more importantly, mortgage rates are now at the same level
(sometime higher than) they were a year ago, hence no chances of obtaining an
advantageous re-financing deal thanks to the Fed lowering of the FFr.
Refinancing at a lower rate, or switching from the risky ARMs to the less risky
fixed rate loans, would be the desirable and natural solution for most troubled
borrowers, but this solution seems to be out of question for the time being. In
summary, while theoretically this channel could have a positive impact on
the causes of the financial crisis, practically its impact is quite
limited: it does not do damage, but it provides very little help. More
importantly: maybe this is not too little (rates are down more than 300 basis
points, after all) but this is certainly way, way too late. Which leads to the 100 trillion dollars question:
what on earth is or was the economic justification behind the wild interest
rates roller coaster of 2001-2008?
There is a third purpose for cutting the
FFr: the Phillips curve, the inflation-output trade-off, the dream that never
dies. Because, among macroeconomists and monetary theorists, this has become
more a matter of faith than of rational discussion, there is little one can say.
In our view the experience of 2000-2001 and the current one (not to speak of
1991) show that the Fed has no practical ability whatsoever to avoid a recession
by lowering short term rates: whatever the forces causing the recession may be, once
the Fed's thermometers signal its presence a recession is already underway.
Models based on the assumption of rigid prices (the absolutely essential
ingredient necessary to claim that a rate cut has at least a chance to prevent a
recession) keep failing the quantitative test: no one has been even
remotely able to produce a vaguely realistic set of parameters under which the
"inflation-output trade-off" is of any quantitative importance and can be
exploited by Fed's actions. The kind of price rigidities needed to make the
trade-off empirically exploitable through interest rate cuts are of the order of
2 or 3 years: every American (or European, or Chinese, or Mexican) consumer,
facing prices that change weekly if not daily, would find such a
statement laughable. Still, most macroeconomists, especially those working at
the banks of the US Federal Reserve system, take it very seriously: they must be too
busy writing monetary models of price rigidities to afford the time to go shopping. One cannot avoid
mentioning the irony of a theory claiming that rigid prices are the cause of
this recession and that the latter will be cured by lowering nominal short term
rates, when the recession is due to house prices falling too quickly and
commodity prices rising too abruptly, following the bursting of a bubble
engendered by ... excessive lowering of nominal short term rates!
Summing up: any visible success?
Apparently not. As far as we can tell, the only thing that the Fed's policy of
precipitously cutting rates has achieved so far is to scare the public opinion,
making consumers even surer than they would be otherwise that a recession is
coming and that all hell may break loose sometime soon. But, maybe, the effects of the lower
interest rates policy will be visible in the future months, or in a year. Maybe,
if the Fed had not lowered interest rates so much and so rapidly, things would
be already worse. That is true, maybe. But one should observe that the ECB has
not followed the Fed in its policy of cutting rates, and things in Europe are
not going so differently than in the USA; if anything, they are going slightly
better. Stock market indices oscillate up and down in the midst of a generally
negative tendency, but they are less down than in the US; some countries, Spain
possibly and Italy almost certainly, are heading toward a recession, but the
first had been growing briskly for 14 consecutive years while the second is
becoming Argentina, so it does not count. This does not mean things look alright
in Europe; it simply means that, even six months later, having dramatically
lowered interest rates by 300 basis points does not make much of a
difference either for the real economy. To us this suggests it is about time to look somewhere else.
The asset swap. No one seems to be claiming that
the TSLF and the PDCF have been set up to alleviate the recession
by exploiting the output-inflation trade-off. They have been set up, we are
told, to save the banking and payment system from a systemic crisis, the "domino
effect", the collapse of the American, hence the world, financial system.
Really? First off: the total value of US Treasury securities in the hands of the
Fed was, at the inception of the crisis, 3/4 of a trillion dollars; it is
now quite a bit less. At their opening, the two facilities have about $400
billion of Treasury securities available, max; in practice they have about $200
billion. As of March 23, the nominal value of just the Credit Default
Swaps outstanding had passed the $40 trillion mark; JP Morgan and Citi together
hold more than $10 trillion. Hence, if the words "domino effect" or "systemic
crisis" are meant to describe things like "the market for CDS unfolds" because
"bankers confidence" collapses, then TSLF and PDCF are like trying to save New Orleans
from hurricane Katrina by telling people to open their umbrellas. If Citi alone
becomes unable to serve its portfolio of CDS, the two facilities will be blown
away immediately. In other words, IF the theorists of the "domino effect" mean
what they say, THEN they better get ready for an overall nationalization of the
US banking system. And, we add, IF that is the scenario the Fed has in mind, THEN it better starts doing something different from lending money to
investment banks in exchange for pieces of paper of the uncertain value. On the other hand, IF "preventing the domino effect" is just another name for "keeping the guys on Wall Street afloat" without letting the citizens know, THEN the two umbrellas
are just fine.
Next argument: the "domino effect" works
in steps, so it is the apparently small collapses that must be avoided as
they trigger bigger and bigger ones. For the dominant wisdom the counterfactual
is obvious: IF lenders had not known that the Fed was going to engineer the JP
Morgan purchase of BSC (thereby bailing out all its creditors), THEN the systemic
crisis would have happened. No one can contradict such a counterfactual, hence we will not try. We note, though, that while the BSC crisis was unfolding
there was no sign whatsoever of a run on the other banks (investment
or not), or of symptoms of panic among depositors. The Fed has
brokered a good deal for a bank with the justification of avoiding the collapse
of another, and the consequent "domino effect". The "collapsing" bank is
currently worth about $1.5 bn, and the quotation of the acquiring entity has
gained about 20% since the deal was announced. Why on earth a central bank
should meddle in this kind of private business
escapes us completely, so let's leave it at that and return to the common wisdom counterfactual. There were, it is true, talks about Lehman and Goldman&Sachs being the next ones on line, which would not have been nice for the people there, and probably at a number of other places. Nevertheless, a couple of days later both banks engendered a (temporary) banking rally by showing numbers proving they were better off than expected. Is it too much to ask: what's preventing most or all "banks" from doing so? In fact, this seems to be, if not a 100 trillion dollars question, at least a 10 trillion one: the sub-prime mortgage crisis is now more than a year old, why is it that the Fed and markets' regulators still seem unable to have the banks' information disclosed and portfolios "marked to market" in any reliable sense? If it is "fear", "lack of trust" and generalized "asymmetric information" (normal people call them "lies" or "tricks") that prevent the markets from working and that repeatedly dry up liquidity, should we not have started a year (or more) ago to tackle THOSE problems?
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Furthermore, we
are told, we must avoid a repeat of Japan in the 1990s. Really? We will get back
to the historical analogy later; now let us consider more solid rationales behind the
asset swap policy. We understand it is not fashionable to talk about moral hazard these days, as moral hazard is just a theoretical concept practically minded policy-makers wipe off the table whenever the goings get tough. A "practical" and very "tough man" style argument (championed, together with the whole of Wall Street, by Lawrence Summers) is that the financial system stability and health is way more important than some deological argument about moral hazard and reputation, the relevance of which is negligible in dramatic circumstances such as these. As Craxi explained the Italians, while he was siphoning a good percentage of GNP in his and his friends personal accounts, primum vivere, deinde philosophari ... and in front of two expert authorities of such caliber, all we can do is to bow. Nevertheless, we would like to point out that what has happened since 2002 and has got us in this mess IS exactly what the "theoretical" moral hazard argument would have predicted in front of current Fed's policies and the "too big to fail" doctrine. Moral hazard, in other words, is not just a theoretical argument: it is a sad fact of business life, especially around Wall Street. A point in time must exist at which a country decides to bite the bullet and let the incompetent, or just plain fraudulent, companies fail to establish a minimum of reputation and avoid fraudulent behaviors in the future. Apparently, that point in time has not yet arrived for the USA, so let's just remind everyone of the open wound, an move on.
We hear that the asset swap is justified if one
believes the assets that are troubling the major investment banks now will have
more value soon. Call it Scenario 1, and say it is just a liquidity problem: the
investments were sounds or almost so, but there is cash due out in the short run,
which was not expected, and therefore the sound investments need to be kept
alive by the Fed acting as the FDIC of investment banks. [For the well trained:
think of Diamond and Dybvig JPE-1983 on a gigantic scale. Kiyotaki&Moore-like arguments would not work, for a variety of reasons we would be happy to discuss if the comments require it.] We don’t see any
reason to believe this is the most probable scenario - why? Obvious: if they were good investments, why
would mortgage holders default and lenders refuse to recontract on houses that
will eventually become worth owning/financing? Recontracting is NOT forbidden,
so why are not the two parts coming together and finding a way to reap the
future gains? - still, we will pretend it is for the sake of the argument. The
other possibility (call it Scenario 2) is that we are all collectively dreaming
this will be the case: even in months to come the so-called assets will still be
almost worthless pieces of paper. Or, at least, many of them will still be.
Then, two possibilities arise from the current Fed bailouts/asset
repurchase/fund of banks creation, and so on.
Under Scenario 1, by avoiding marking to market those assets,
as financial institutions should currently be doing, the bailouts put off the
$1-trillion-worth estimated losses (see Goldman Sachs' own analysis; CNN.com reports 500 billions in losses for mortgages
alone) to a later date, hoping that these will in the end be less.
In
fact, the Fed is betting to be able to "create" Scenario 1, instead of taking
the scenarios as exogenously given. The downfall can be avoided if the market
(that is, at least someone out there) insists in believing they are worth more:
we restore "confidence". By the way, no theoretical model can explain how this
change in expectations occurs, other things equal. In other words, Scenario 1
makes sense if and only if we are willing to believe that the Fed has superior
forecasting and evaluation powers, so that it can see future gains where the
whole set of participants in the financial markets cannot. Is this possible? It
is, in the abstract this is quite possible. Is it probable? History and economic
theory suggest it is not, still let us assume it is. If we assume it is, that
is if we are ready to believe that the Fed is capable NOW to evaluate the prices
of assets better than the financial markets can and, by holding them for some
time, increase their value in the near future, we should be ready to explain why
it was not able to do the same in the PAST, or 2 years from now. Put
it differently: if we believe Scenario 1 is what makes the asset swap a good
idea, then we must be ready to explain not only why the Fed screwed it up so
royally during the last twelve years but why we should not have let the Fed set
prices of financial assets during those years! Paradoxes? Indeed, paradoxes they
are. More importantly, because bygones are bygones we should also ask: under the
maintained assumptions, what prevent us from concluding that, in the future, it
will be the new job of the Fed to set the prices of assets and decide which
financial institutions should hold them, and which should not? Once again, and
for different reasons, we reach the same conclusion as before: IF what the Fed
is doing makes sense THEN we might as well consider nationalizing the whole
financial sector and let the Fed run it.
Under Scenario 2, however, that’s Japan in the
1990s, instead of its opposite. The Fed
intervenes now to avoid for these banks to at least partially acknowledge today
the losses that are there and that will never go away. In other words, the Fed
intervenes to purely push into the future the day of reckoning, in exactly the
same way the Bank and the Government of Japan did after 1990. Western
commentators, economists, bankers, and even government officials, very much
criticized that choice back then, and invited the Japanese central bank and
government to stop acting in the very same way the Fed and the government of the
US are acting today. We all pointed out that these actions result in freezing
funds, slowing credit growth, keeping alive firms that are dead, and giving rise to
a gigantic "liquidity trap", as failing banks were kept afloat by feeding
them new credit over and over, credit they never invested or used productively.
They simply sat on their reserves, doing nothing and postponing a death that
would eventually come. In the meanwhile, economic activity slowed to a dramatic
stagnation that lasted almost a decade. How will Scenario 2 end? By slowly
bailing out various banks, which will cost all of us a lot of money, during a
very long credit market clog that will lead to a very long stagnation. Do you
believe that the artificially created liquidity trap that paralyzed Japan for so
many years will not happen in the USA? Think again, apparently it is already
here, the FT reports.
These are the only scenarios under which
the Fed's policy of swapping bad assets for good treasury securities makes
sense, so to speak. Right now the only ones ready to believe Scenario 1 are the
Wall Street bankers, the Fed and, perhaps, other central banks. To convince others that pieces of paper
are actually gold, avoiding the credit clog and the Japan effect, something more
than "convincing" has to be done. And that's what the Fed is doing: transferring
possession of assets to itself to deflect counterparty risks, which implies
buying at fictitious prices the pieces of paper, which implies changing the
price of money and Treasuries by changing their supply. Which means, at the end,
charging the $600-1,000 billion of real estate market losses to the taxpayer,
either directly or indirectly. The bottom line is obvious: there's no new-school
change in expectations, but an old-school change in demand and supply of goods and money, and we
ALL have to be ready to pay its big price tag: exchange rate depreciation, inflation and a probably longer stagnation or recession. The inflationary cost we are already paying through dollar
depreciation and commodity price hike that are translating into CPI inflation. For the long stagnation we will have to wait long.
We don't know you people, but we prefer
adjusting relative prices by reducing the value of housing (and of these pieces
of paper) soon, rather than increasing the price of everything else and then forfeiting economic growth for a few years to come.
Mi ha colpito l'affermazione "the second is becoming Argentina, so it does not count", riferita all'Italia. Non ho la competenza per dubitare di questa affermazione Ci sono però due differenze che saltano agli occhi: il divario Nord/Sud, e il legame con l'Europa, rappresentato forse anche dall'euro. Queste due differenze potrebbero consentire alle regioni settentrionali una sorte diversa dall'Argentina. Il Meridione potrebbe allora svolgere le funzioni del Messico (anziché l'Argentina), rispetto alla California o all'Arizona. Sono ipotesi prive di senso?